a. Introduction

CAN AN INDUSTRY BE RESPONSIBLE IF ITS CORE BUSINESS CAN LEAD IN SOME CASES TO IRRESPONSIBLE BEHAVIOUR?

Gambling is as old as history, such is mankind's urge to take risks and tempt fortune. In the early years of the industry in Nevada, it was characterised by the involvement of organised crime, and for all these reasons, since then governments have taken steps to regulate and control the industry to ensure high standards of probity, player protection, and an ethical and accountable industry, as is to be found in South Africa today. This approach is based on the recognition that public policy must accept the inevitability of gambling and find ways of controlling and constraining rather than suppressing society's tendency to gamble.

Before 1996 in this country, we had no such constraints and the consequences were there for all to see.

Before the introduction of the National Gambling Act in that year, South Africa had a flourishing illegal gambling industry which was almost entirely controlled by whites, offered players no protection against fraud, was readily available to minors and totally ignored problems associated with compulsive and problem gambling. A decade later, illegal machines are down from approximately 150 000 to less than 10 000, while the number of legal machines has increased from the approximately 7 000 which existed in the pre-1996 old "homeland" casinos in 1994 to 25 000 in 2003, a figure which is still well below these which existed illegally.

Today, there are 34 legal casinos in all nine of South Africa's provinces, bringing numerous benefits to the locations and communities where they operate. 2 Further licenses have been awarded and are being developed. The provisions of the National Gambling Act, along with the regulations made in terms of it, have provided South Africa with a regulatory framework which is universally regarded as the most stringent and scrupulous gambling regime in the world.

A substantial body of international and local research has documented the benefits of legalised and regulated casinos, but there is still a good deal of public and official disquiet about the perceived social impact of the industry. This publication addresses some of those misconceptions about casino gambling, drawing on the findings of studies from throughout the world and from South Africa.

Because South Africa's casino industry is still relatively young by international standards, local research is still in its infancy. For this reason, this publication draws very largely on the findings of research conducted in comparable jurisdictions. The Casino Association of South Africa is realistic about problem gambling research and acknowledges that we are dealing with a developing body of knowledge. It is true that we know relatively little about problem gambling, especially about its causes. There is, for example, a lack of conceptual consensus about what constitutes gambling-related harm and it is therefore difficult to obtain a clear estimate of the qualitative level of severity or the number of individuals who may require assistance with a gambling problem. Equally, there is often contradictory evidence to demonstrate whether harm-minimisation measures have any significant impact, and for this reason regulatory responses have sometimes been applied in the absence of any evidence that supports their effectiveness. What is indisputable, however, is that while safe gambling is possible and that the great majority of gamblers do so without any harm to themselves, a proportion of gamblers and those close to them do indeed suffer harmful consequences. This makes it all the more important to ensure that the casino industry in South Africa maintains its reputation as responsible licence-holders in the promotion of ethical, accountable, and crimefree gaming conduct.

b. Questions and Answers

QUESTION

WHAT ARE THE ECONOMIC IMPACTS OF THE CASINO GAMBLING INDUSTRY IN SOUTH AFRICA?

ANSWER

The legalisation of casino gambling in South Africa introduced a rigorously and effectively regulated legal industry that has contributed very substantially to the public purse and funded considerable infrastructure in South Africa's leisure and tourism sector.

In 2002, the National Gambling Board commissioned a study i to establish the economic impact of gambling in South Africa, including its contribution to GDP. It found that the initial impact (measured as the direct spending of gambling institutions) of the gambling sector in 2000 amounted to just more than R3-billion with an additional spillover effect (indirect and induced impact ii) of R6.1-billion.

The study also looked at capital investment and found that just between 1997 and 2000 no less than R10.1-billion was invested, representing 2.1 % of the total South African capital formation of R493.7-billion during the same period.

Since then, it has been estimated that in only 11 years the casino industry has been responsible for more than R15-billion in new investment in all nine provinces, adding more than R36-billion to GDP in terms of economic multipliers. The industry has created almost 100 000 direct and indirect jobs and in 2005/6 alone, accounted for over R1.07-billion in provincial gaming taxes and VAT which, together with company tax, contributed close to R2.7-billion to government revenue. Casinos account for more than 83% of all gambling taxes paid to government, according to the National Gambling Board.

It is thus a significant industry by any yardstick, and in particular, it is a key component of South Africa's tourism and leisure industry. In recent years, CASA members have invested heavily in infrastructure and tourism plant, including two new international convention centres, and over 5 000 new hotel rooms, for example, and a wide range of other public interest projects and spending, as various as internationallyknown golf courses, new roads, eco-tourism facilities, airport re-development, museums, and wellness centres, to mention but a few.

There is also clear evidence that the casino sector has substantially advanced Government's economic transformation agenda in respect of the tourism and leisure industry. Previously disadvantaged shareholders enjoy substantial control (just over 60% of voting shares, on average) in the casino industry, while these same shareholders have, on average, a 38% effective economic interest in South African casinos. On both counts, this exceeds comparable economic sectors. The industry's fulfilment of its black economic empowerment obligations through recruiting, training, procurement, outsourcing and other measures is constantly monitored by the authorities.

i Indirect impact results from additional activities of suppliers (e.g. additional bricks, cement and trusses are manufactured with the building of a new casino).
ii Induced impact on the economy is due to the increased demand for goods and services by households on the strength of the remuneration earned due to the establishment of, say, a casino.

QUESTION

WHERE DOES ALL THE MONEY GO?

ANSWER

Casino revenues are distributed as follows:

• 40.68% (R3.4-billion) in revenue, by far the largest share, goes to provincial and national government in tax made up as follows:
  - R855-million in corporate tax and STCs
  - R255-million in PAYE
  - R876-million in provincial taxation
  - R1.3-billion in VAT
  - R68-million in other (property rates, RSC levies, etc.)
• 21.39% (R1.8-billion) in revenue goes to employees;
• 0.68% (R57-million) is spent on corporate social investment programmes. This spend is related to net profit as a percentage;
• 4.94% (or R419-million) is paid in interest to banks to service debt;
• Shareholders get only 8.48% (R721-million);
• 1.77% (or R151-million) is paid on lease costs;
• The balance of 22.06% (R1.8-billion) is retained in the business for depreciation and to facilitate future growth.

Click here for PDF version of these graphs.

QUESTION

DO CASINOS CAUSE AN INCREASE IN PROBLEM GAMBLING?

ANSWER

It is a common assumption that problem gambling will self-obviously increase with the legalisation of casinos and increased opportunities for gambling. However, research in this area is by no means conclusive and has often reached the opposite conclusion.

In America, for example, the prevalence of problem gambling remained largely unchanged between 1976, when Nevada was the only state in which casino gambling was legal, and 1999, when casinos had been legalised in almost 30 states. According to the Commission on the Review of the National Policy Toward Gambling2, the 1976 figure for pathological gambling in the USA was 0.77%. More than twenty years later, this figure was estimated to stand at 0.6%.

A similar conclusion was reached in 2000 by the Public Sector Gaming Study Commission3, an independent panel of state and local officials that reported that the incidence of problem gambling cannot be related to the expansion of gambling opportunities. The report said: "In short, there is no solid basis for concluding that the wider legalisation of gambling, which has cut into illegal gambling, has caused a concomitant increase in pathological gambling. In fact, it appears that pathological gambling is quite rare within the general population, and does not appear to be increasing in frequency."

In South Africa, independent research demonstrates that problem gambling actually decreased between 2003 and 2006, with only a small increase as lottery sales grew over the period.

In New Zealand, too, Abbot and Volberg's study into the incidence of problem gambling before and after the introduction of casinos found that the introduction of casinos does not necessarily lead to an increase in problem gambling. In fact, the prevalence of pathological gambling in the general population declined from 1.2% to 0.5% between 1991 and 1999.

An important factor that has emerged is that in all those jurisdictions where studies have shown that despite increased legal opportunities to gamble, rates of pathological gambling have been stable or declined over periods ranging from two to eight years, comprehensive services for problem gamblers - including public awareness campaigns, counselling lines and professional counselling programs - were introduced at the same time, as has been the case in South Africa.

QUESTION

IS CASINO GAMBLING MORE ADDICTIVE THAN OTHER TYPES OF GAMBLING?

ANSWER

No, in fact arguably less so.

International research confirms that the introduction of casinos does not necessarily lead to an increase in problem gambling. A study by Dr Rachel Volberg5 on the introduction of casinos in Montana, North Dakota, Oregon and Washington State compared problem gambling rates before and after the introduction of casinos. She found that in Montana and North Dakota the incidence of problem gambling and pathological gambling as measured by the South Oaks Gambling Screen increased substantially. In Montana, which had the larger increase, problem gambling grew from 2.2% of the adult population to 3.2%, and pathological gambling from 0.7% to 1.6% (as measured by the South Oaks Gambling Screen). However, in Oregon numbers for problem and pathological gamblers declined - in Oregon from 3.3% to 2.3% for problem gamblers and from 1.4% to 0.9% for pathological gamblers. The critical variable, according to Volberg was whether the introduction of casinos was accompanied by the provision of services for problem gamblers including programmes to enhance public awareness about gambling and its potential dangers.

Volberg's finding that the introduction of casinos does not necessarily lead to an increase in problem gambling in jurisdictions with good problem gambling prevention services is replicated in the study which she undertook with Dr Max Abbott6 into the incidence of problem gambling in New Zealand before and after the introduction of casinos where problem gambling services were extensive and where problem gambling numbers decreased.

This finding is also confirmed by studies undertaken by Professors Peter Collins and Graham Barr7 in South Africa where, again there is an extensive programme for raising public awareness about the dangers of gambling and how to avoid them. They found that, between 2001 and 2003 during which time there was a considerable increase in the availability of legal casinos in South Africa, the number of problem gamblers amongst those who engaged regularly in some form of gambling, other than the lottery, remained constant. (There were, in 2001, 186 such respondents out of 5 800 with access to the new forms of gambling - large casinos and the National Lottery - who answered more than a third of the Gambler's Anonymous 20 questions in the affirmative. In 2003 there were 270 out of 5 816).

Between 2003 and 2006, problem gambling shared a declining incidence.

Australia is frequently cited as a jurisdiction whose mistakes must be avoided because of the apparently high incidence there of problem gambling. However this is recognised to be overwhelmingly due to the proliferation of much more accessible machine gambling in bars and clubs rather than to the existence of one large casino in each of the largest Australian cities. As the Productivity Commission8 concludes:

"There is insufficient evidence to argue that casinos are a particularly serious source of problem gambling. In fact, with respect to gaming machines, the evidence points the other way: less problems appear to be attributable to casinos than to clubs and hotels. In large part this reflects their small numbers, their location and role as a destination for many, and the small proportion of total expenditure on gaming which they reflect".

Different forms of gambling vary in numerous ways, including issues such as accessibility and proliferation, price, size of maximum possible win, the possibility of continuous play, the element of skill or judgement involved and the frequency and immediacy of payout. Different theories of the most addictive elements involved exist, but the most addictive forms of gambling seem to be those that are most accessible.

In South Africa, independent research shows that casino gambling is predominantly a middle and lowermiddle income activity. Only 5% of people in low income groups regularly play a slot machine in a casino, because of barriers to entry like price and accessibility.

QUESTION

HOW MANY PROBLEM GAMBLERS ARE THERE IN SOUTH AFRICA?

ANSWER

Throughout the world, the evidence is that while the vast majority of gamblers do so without any harm to themselves or others, there will always be a small percentage of the population who will gamble irresponsibly or develop a gambling problem, in the same way that some people will use credit cards irresponsibly or drink excessively.

In its 2006 report the National Centre for the Study of Gambling at UCT found that 144 out of 3003 respondents answered seven or more of the 20 Gamblers Anonymous questions affirmatively.

In terms of participation in gambling, the findings of the research project suggest that 81.5% of people play the lottery regularly (once a week), up from 72.3% two years ago. There had also been some growth in the number of people wagering on horses (5.9%), up from 5.7%, and table games in casinos at 2.2%, up from 1.4% in 2003. Other forms of gambling showed a slight decline compared to 2003, including slot machines at 13.9% (down from 14.1%), newspaper jackpots at 2.6% (down from 3.3%), and scratch cards at 14% (down from 15%). The number of people who only play the lottery has grown from 41.4% two years ago to 52.5% in 2005. The number of people who never gamble, which was 20.1% in 2003, has declined to 15% in 2005.

Somewhat less than 1% of the adult population in South Africa could be considered compulsive or addicted gamblers, and 4.8% are people who gamble too much to the point where it is causing serious problems to themselves and those close to them and who would benefit from education and/or counselling.

These surveys reveal that there has been a decrease in problem gambling between 2003 and 2006, other than a small increase amongst those who only play the lottery. This is attributed mainly to the fact that the accessibility of machine gambling, especially to poor people in terms of both location and price, has clearly declined since the very extensive illegal casino industry was almost entirely replaced by the 34 legal casinos which have been opened since 1996.

These results are broadly in keeping with international trends.

QUESTION

ARE SENIOR CITIZENS OR YOUNG PEOPLE MORE LIKELYTO BECOME PROBLEM GAMBLERS BECAUSE OF THE AVAILABILITY OF LICENSED CASINOS?

ANSWER

A 2004 survey, A Profile of Youth Gambling in South Africa, conducted by the University of the Witwatersrand on behalf of the National Gambling Board, found that 5.1% of school-goers surveyed across South Africa indicated a strong predisposition to gamble and constituted a core of potential problem gamblers. This figure matches the international experience and, in part, reflects the fact that adolescents are more inclined towards risky behaviour and impulsivity than adults.

Significantly, it was found in the Wits study that 1.4% of adolescents claim to have gambled in a casino, much less than those who have played the lottery (9.1%), scratch cards (4.5%), sports betting (5%), cell phones (2%), or in various forms of informally organised gambling such as flipping coins (3.5%), card games (2.7%), or dice (1.9%).

When the NRGP's problem gambling sample was analysed by income and race, it was found that the distributions were fairly flat and did not provide evidence for the view that the poor are especially irresponsible when it comes to spending their money on gambling, nor for the view that black people are especially likely to exhibit gambling problems. (Exactly 5% of black respondents were identified as problem gamblers as opposed to 6.2% of coloured respondents, 3.4% of whites and 4.5% of Indians.)

This finding was supported by a 2004 study undertaken by Stellenbosch University, which investigated whether social grant recipients living near casinos were spending their grant money on gambling. The study indicated that hardly any beneficiaries reported that they had gambled at casinos.

This shows conclusively that poor people are no more reckless, or feckless, when it comes to gambling spend than others in society.

It is generally true that casino gamblers tend to be better educated and to earn higher incomes than the average household. This has been borne out by the South African experience, which has established that while all income groups, including the poorest, tend to play the lottery, casino and slot machines tend to attract the more affluent.

International research provides no evidence that the elderly are particularly prone to the development of gambling problems. In 2003, the National Institute of Justice in the USA published a study13 which compared the gambling behaviour of elderly people to younger gamblers in eight jurisdictions. The study concluded that research "(did) not support the view that casino gambling is a major threat to the elderly, preying on the aged and leading them to destructive gambling practices." The study went further and stated that in fact the elderly "generally exercise better money management and experience proportionately fewer gambling problems than the general population."

QUESTION

ARE CASINOS DEPENDANT ON PROBLEM GAMBLERS FOR A MAJORITY OF THEIR REVENUE?

ANSWER

While problem gamblers clearly spend more than they should, this group constitutes only 5.2% of regular gamblers.

QUESTION

DOES THE INTRODUCTION OF CASINO GAMBLING INCREASE CRIME LEVELS?

ANSWER

Not in modern casinos, which have sophisticated physical security and surveillance systems. In fact, studies undertaken in Australia suggest that casinos are safer than shopping malls because security is tighter. Similarly, a national study by the University of Maryland in the US, The Impact of Casinos On Crime and Other Social Problems, reported that "...casinos are not likely to have a substantial impact on crime and other social problems."

QUESTION

WHAT IS THE CASINO INDUSTRY DOING TO REDUCE THE RISK OF PROBLEM GAMBLING?

ANSWER

South Africa's responsible gambling programme is mandated by the country's National Gambling Act, which stipulates that members of the public who participate in any licensed gambling activity should be protected and that society and the economy should be protected against the over-stimulation of the latent demand for gambling.

The National Responsible Gambling Programme (NRGP) is the only programme of its type in the world which is jointly controlled by a public-private partnership, the SA Responsible Gambling Trust, representing both government regulators and the gaming industry. What is particularly important about the programme is that, though entirely funded by the industry and supervised jointly by industry and regulators, it is ultimately answerable to Government through the South African Advisory Council on Responsible Gambling.

This model, and the fact that contributions are voluntary, yet substantial, is unique among gambling jurisdictions world-wide. The NRGP is funded by the gambling industry, including the horse racing, bingo, casinos, the limited payout machine industry, and machine manufacturing sectors, to the tune of approximately 0.1% of Gross Gaming Revenues. Casinos account for more than 85 % of funding. The only gambling sector which does not contribute is the national lottery, which is still in the process of discussing how it should engage with the programme.

The NRGP is also unique in that it combines education, treatment and research into a single integrated programme.

The education component is aimed at educating both the public and individuals working within the industry about responsible gambling behaviour and about assistance that is available for those who find themselves in difficulty as a consequence of their gambling conduct.

The treatment and counselling component of the NRGP is based at the Kenilworth Addiction Treatment Centre and operates a confidential, multi-lingual 24-hour toll-free counselling line staffed by trained counsellors. Diagnosis is available to those who are suspected problem gamblers, and this complemented by outpatient treatment undertaken by specially trained professional psychologists or clinical social workers, which is now available in 34 cities and towns throughout South Africa. There is also a contractual arrangement with four residential treatment facilities, where the cost is significantly less than the equivalent medical aid tariff.

Since its establishment in May 2000, 5 839 callers to the toll-free counselling line have been referred for free treatment by a medical professional. A further 2 149 have been assisted telephonically.

These counselling and treatment activities are complemented by training courses for various sectors of the gambling industry, including social and health care workers, and regulators and their staff throughout the country. In all, some 11 000 industry employees have been trained on the subject of problem gambling.

QUESTION

HOW EFFECTIVE IS THE TREATMENT OF PROBLEM GAMBLING?

ANSWER

In South Africa, independent research indicates that the NRGP's treatment programme has proved remarkably successful. A study by the University of South Africa17 analysed a sample of 100 individuals screened and referred by the NRGP counselling line for their outpatient treatment programme over an eighteen-month period, in order to measure the success of the programme. It found that after one year 47% of treatment seekers managed not to revert back to gambling - total abstinence. A further 28% reported having relapsed or that their gambling was controlled. 25% of treatment seekers reported that they reverted back to gambling fulltime, which leaves the success rate of the treatment at 75%. Treatment seekers reported an overall reduction in gambling participation, debt and expenditure and an overall improvement in social and vocational functioning.

A wide range of programmes exists in South Africa, ranging from Gamblers Anonymous to inpatient treatment centres. There is no one programme that is right for all people and if a treatment programme hasn't worked for a particular individual, an alternative programme may well succeed. To find out information about treatment programmes available in South Africa, call the NRGP's toll-free counselling line at 0800 006 008.

Studies have shown that treatment is effective in a great many cases. López-Viets and Miller15 (1997) conducted a review of the international literature on the subject and concluded that it "provides some confidence that cognitive-behavioural interventions will continue to be proven effective in the treatment of gambling problems."

They reported that the research evidence "is unequivocal with regard to controlled gambling being a viable treatment option for some. Those clients who are psychologically robust and have social support are suitable clients for controlled gambling should they choose it as an option. Abstinence remains a legitimate goal for those who choose it or for those with many contraindications to achieving control" and that it was not uncommon for two-thirds of problem gamblers to be abstinent or to be in control of their gambling at six- or 12-month follow-ups.

Outpatient services appear to provide equally good outcomes compared to inpatient treatments, even when only a few sessions of intervention have occurred. Brief interventions may also have reasonable outcomes.

A study by Stinchfield and Winters (1996) followed up 274 people treated in Minnesota, USA and found that abstinence rates of 43% at the six-month follow-up and 42% at 12 months were reported, with an additional 20% (at 6 months) and 24% (at 12 months) gambling in a controlled way.

QUESTION

DOES THE CASINO INDUSTRY PROVIDE ANY BENEFITS FOR LOCAL COMMUNITIES?

ANSWER

The casino industry is active in small business development and in black economic empowerment initiatives. Examples of this include procurement protocols, provision of finance for establishing SMMEs, maintenance of SMME databases, SMME subcontracting during the construction phase, provision of business infrastructure to the local communities in complexes, etc.

In addition, various schemes were designed by institutions to involve previously disadvantaged individuals (PDIs) as co-owners of newly established companies. These include equity schemes, equity funder of last resort, a predetermined percentage of equity that has to be owned by PDIs, appointment of PDI directors on company boards, and other measures.

The South African casino industry is also extensively involved in social investment programmes which benefit local communities, particularly the disadvantaged, and last year, contributed nearly R30-million to this purpose. Such community upliftment programmes range from the establishment of trusts to support various local NGO initiatives to the upgrading of infrastructure in less developed areas and regular donations towards charitable and welfare organisations, as well as beneficiaries in the environment, arts, sports, culture and other deserving causes.

Some of these activities included:

Peermont Global allocated R20 645 863 to CSI, of which R20.5 million was contributed by Emperor's Palace. Virtually all of this was spent on educational projects, through support to the East Rand Children's Trust and the East Rand Youth Trust. The Children's Trust provides child care in areas where there are no facilities available, such as the Vosloorus After-School Care Centre and nursery schools and crèches in the Ekurhuleni metropolitan area. Other areas of support include the provision of playground equipment and the financial support and mentorship of high school learners. The Trust has sponsored 200 learners at Star Schools, installed ten media centres, built 13 jungle gyms and awarded ten schools capital funds to start tuck shops.

Peermont Global assists the youth of the Ekurhuleni area by offering full study bursaries to candidates from disadvantaged backgrounds. The East Rand Youth Trust has to date sponsored 26 students in various fields of study. The student is not obliged to work this bursary back, as it is a gift from the company to uplift the Ekurhuleni Metro Community.

Across its four properties - now part of Peermont Global - Tusk Resorts spent a total of R789 997 on CSI.

Emerald Casino spent R5 million in CSI.

Century Casinos' Caledon property made CSI donations of R294 700, of which R12 650 went to sport development and R130 500 to 16 local senior citizen homes. Since 2002 has rented foyer space to the Overberg Community Trust for the operation of their community shop and the rental paid over to the Trust from April 2005 to 31 March 2006 was R33 092.

In February 2004 the property entered into a 3-year agreement with a BEE company in Caledon to open a laundry for its uniforms and linen. For 1 April 2005 to 31 March 2006 the casino paid R358 515 to this company for services rendered.

Sponsorships and donations by the Hollywood Casino in KwaZulu-Natal have benefited the Newcastle Crisis Centre, Child Welfare, Newcastle Reach for a Dream, Water Tanks for Schools and the Bayete Aids Awareness Campaign. In all, R458 025 was distributed.

Tsogo Sun contributed a total of R5.8 million to CSI projects, of which R2.4 million went to education, R1.3 million to health and welfare - particularly AIDSrelated initiatives - and R1.5 million to sports sponsorships.

In the Gold Reef Group, Gold Reef City donated just over R2 million to causes such as the Orange Farm Township Project, which includes a college and a workshop for the disabled in the area, the Primedia wish list for a kidney donation, the Tomorrow Trust and the YWCA. The casino also committed over R1 million to Noah, a charity that provides homes for AIDS orphans.

The Golden Horse Casino donated more than R650 000. Major donations included the running costs of an Educational Science Centre, the Careways Group - an organisation that provides counselling to people with HIV/AIDS - and the Winter Warmth Campaign.

The Goldfields Casino donated a million rand to the community trust, whose beneficiaries include the Lesedi Mohau Development Centre which educates the unemployed, Northern Free State Outreach (a training programme mainly for women) and House of Hope, which provides food and shelter for AIDS orphans and abandoned children.

Casino Mykonos donated approximately R1.3 million to the West Coast Community Trust. This was distributed to institutions working with traumatised children, the Karitas School for children with special educational needs and the Indlu Yothando Day Care Centre for the aged.

The Garden Route Casino donated over a million rand to a local community trust. A commitment of R500 000 was made to the first AIDS Hospice in Mossel Bay. Other smaller efforts were made such as repairs at the local Child Welfare building, donating blankets, etc.

Through various social programmes and donations, both at national and business unit level, Sun International's contribution to CSI amounted to 2% of after tax profit. Among the group's beneficiaries were the Sports Trust, which approved projects in the amount of R5.7 million. Projects assisted at a national level also included Disability Sports South Africa (DISSA), which will receive an amount of R3.5 million over the next three years, the Arts and Culture Trust and the Variety Club, to which Sun International donates R10 000 every time the Grand Progressive Jackpot is won.

R10 000 for every jackpot paid out on the Dream Machine is donated to Reach For A Dream, which assists children who have been diagnosed with a life-threatening illness. Other major beneficiaries are the National Sea Rescue Institute and the South African Chefs Association.

Individual Sun International properties spent a total of R19.5 million on CSI projects during the year. Such regional projects and sponsorships have included the Tapologo AIDS Hospice in Rustenburg, which received R2.5 million, Soundtrack 4 Life, the Faranani Hydroponic Project which creates sustainable farming jobs in Limpopo Province, and Habitat for Humanity. Sun International sponsored the Macufe Arts and Cultural Festival in Bloemfontein, renovated the Odi Hospital Paediatrics Ward which assists patients from Mabopane, Garankuwa, Soshanguve and surrounding communities, and made contributions to the Read Educational Trust in Port Elizabeth, the Kwa-Mashu Old Age Home, housing Projects for AIDS orphans and the Childhood Cancer Association.

In the Eastern Cape, the Wild Coast Sun paid 75% of its R1.2 million CSI expenditure to the Wild Coast Sun Mbizana Development Trust.

A number of sponsorships continue to be granted to welfare organisations including the Heart Foundation, SPCA, Rotary, Police Forums, Starfish, the Red Cross Society and the SOS Children's Fund.

QUESTION

WHAT ARE SOUTH AFRICANS’ ATTITUDES TOWARDS GAMBLING?

ANSWER

The National Gambling Board's 2002 survey tested the personal views of respondents on gambling. 73% of the respondents indicated that gambling was acceptable to them, 12,2% said that gambling was not acceptable to them and 14.8% replied that while gambling was not acceptable to them, they had no objections to gambling by others.

In response to the question "Do you regard casino gambling as an important leisure activity?" 52.2 % agreed, 23.8 % disagreed and 24,0 % couldn't say or didn't know.

Nor did the NRGP's 2003 survey reveal any widespread public antipathy towards gambling when it asked respondents how they felt about the legalisation of gambling in South Africa. 41% replied that they felt positive or very positive about legalisation, while 35% said they felt neither positive nor negative.